ALS signed “J. Fenimore Cooper,” one page both sides, 8 x 10, March 24, 1844. Written from Cooperstown, New York, a letter to Commodore Shubrick in Washington, in full: “I have been expecting any time this [fort] night to go below, but am detained by a cold that has required treatment. It is now better; and I hope to be at Head’s next week, when I trust I shall find a letter from you. Miles Wallingford, First Part, is done, but it will require four volumes to complete his adventures. The two first, however, will be published immediately, being nearly half printed already.
What an affair for poor Stockton! I feel very much for him, for he deserves a great deal for his enterprise, though I have my misgivings, and have had from the first about those guns. There seems ever to be a difficulty in getting such a mass of metal together without flaws. At the siege of Antwerp the French obtained from a Liége a mortar of unusual size, expressly to command a certain range. The shell was two or three times heavier than the largest then used. The mortar was subjected to the severest proofs and stood them all well, after which it was sent to the army For a few days, it did well enough, crashing every thing on which its bombs fell, and it contributed essentially to shorten the siege. On the twentyeth or thirtyeth discharge, however; the piece broke into fragments. This mortar, moreover, was cast. I am afraid Stockton’s determination will urge him on to self exposure, until further evil come of the experiment. The worst of such artillery is, that the proofs themselves may destroy it. One never knows when he is safe.
I am surprised my review of the Somer’s affair is not out. I finished with it, two months since, and expected its appearance in ten days. It is possible Mr. Spencer has some control over the publication, in which case it may have been delayed or entirely suppressed through his interference. I have not heard a syllable on the subject; but have suspected he might wish to keep the matter from before the public, so long as he has any hopes of the Bench, and I fancy he has not given up that expectation, yet. Or, it may be he does not like the view I have taken of his son’s course. I told young Morris, if I wrote any thing, it must be just what I thought, and in this he acquiesced. Now, which I admit there is a doubt thrown over it, I have taken the ground that there was a plot. Young Spencer’s friends maintain the whole affair was a mystification. To my surprise, one of McKenzie’s counsel expressed doubts about there having been any seriously contemplated mutiny! We were speaking of Cromwell, and I remarked that I did not believe he knew any thing of the intended mutiny. ‘If there were any mutiny, I think beyond a question he was concerned with was the answer.’ ‘If there were any mutiny! Do you then conceive that to be a matter of doubt.' ‘I think there may be a serious question on that point, but not of Cromwell’s guilt admitting it.’ I think there is a question, myself, but incline much to the opinion that Spencer did entertain such a project, and did speak of it directly to Small, though I question if he ever spoke directly to any one else. I think, otherwise, he would have protected his innocence before all hands, when matters got to be serious.
The testimony is really frightful! It shows what can be set afloat as facts in this country and be believed. The following circumstances are all proved beyond a question. Spencer is in on the night of the 26th. Small and Cromwell, on that of the 27th. Next morning the officers talk of the necessity of hanging these three, should more prisoners be made. On the morning of the 30th McKenzie convenes his council, after which, he puts four more men in irons. That night he makes out the station bill for the execution, and next day yet, the opinion of his officers. He hangs the three and in the end lets the four last arrested, escape even without charges! I shall greatly regret not to have my review published along with the record. Without the last, indeed, I should be compelled to re write much of it, as I refer to the record constantly. I shall soon ascertain the facts. I have never seen the article in Littel of which you speak, but suppose it is some abuse. If I can lay hands on it, without much trouble I will, though it is very seldom I read any criticism, either on myself, or other. Most of it, now-a-days, is downright trash. I have one consolation, however, that very few writers enjoy; I know I am seldom puffed—never doing it myself or getting friends to do it for me. I would rather read an attack any day than a puff.
So Morris has got home, and Morgan. As for the last, he is entitled to another command, unless he is tired. Has not the enquiry into the accident been conducted unwisely? Taking the papers as authority it really would seem so, though the papers certainly are not much authority for anything. Their falsehoods and impudence appear to increase, and the only favorable sign I see is a sickening of each other. The opinion of the deceased state of the country appears to be gaining ground, among us, and in the end it may do some good.
You must be Oregoned and Texasized to death. The latter country ought to belong to us, but never without an amicable arrangement with Mexico. To receive it on any other terms, or until making a fair offer to Mexico, would be an act of infamous black-leg is no, and lending the sanctum of this nation to one of the most atrocious deeds of political juggling and aggression the world has ever seen. Bonaparte’s attempts on Spain itself, would be no worse. As to Oregon, I know nothing of our claim. Nevertheless I think it easy to foresee the result. England will make a merit of our ceding Texas to us, and get what she wants of Oregon as her pay. The last treaty was a miserable sacrifice of our rights and advantages, and I presume the next will partake of the same character. Why does England hold Bermuda, on our own coast, but to overawe our trade; in return I would have held the north east territory to overawe Quebec. Each party had a clear right to its possessions and let each keep it, until both were disposed to make an arrangement on equitable terms. But our statesmen are children yet, and can only cross. The present…never would have liberated the country in 1770. The ‘merchants’ are the moral souls of the country. Everything must yield to their clamour. The scamps put me in mind of Stone, who fancies the sun, moon, and stars; man, the earth and all it contains created merely to make paragraphs for newspapers. So the merchants, regard man, religion, politics, land and morals, as incidents of trade, and not trade as merely an incident of society. To them trade is religion, law, morals—nay god himself, and it is not surprising the idolators should make some blunders in their code of ethics.
We are all vegetating, and the season thus far promises well. It is cold enough to give us hopes for next month, and I think we have the prospects of an early spring. My farmer came down from the chalet last evening on the ice, which he reports firm, and likely to hold on a month longer. They tell me the robins have been here a [fort] night, but I have not yet seen one; but I have scarce left the house in that time. The ladies all join in love and that sort of thing—including Mrs. Fish and excluding you, which I send it to all hands. You must allow something to female affectation. By the way, I do not know what has been done with or for Ned.
For Fish—The argument against stopping promotions until the lists are brought down to prescribed numbers is this. It is attacking a service in its vitals. If an error has been made, it must be corrected at the other end—not making so many midshipmen. There never should be more midshipmen than are actually wanted Etc Etc, and to fill probable vacancies. The ships carry too many, and now should be left as lean, except in emergencies. But the officer that has served is entitled to his reward, and it is miserable policy that destroys the spirit of a navy to save a few thousand. The price of our sloop is saved, but the morale of your service will be gone. Brick up the ranks, make promotions more frequent, and have but few midshipmen, and those appointed without reference to states.” In a postscript, Cooper writes: “I have this moment heard Ned is arrived!” In very good to fine condition, with several small holes affecting a few words of text, and seal-related paper loss to the integral address leaf.
The book Cooper mentions in the opening paragraph, Miles Wallingford, published in 1844, was the sequel to Afloat and Ashore, and relates to his imagined experiences of how life might have been had he followed a life at sea. Cooper‘s writings on the Somers affair were also published in 1844 under the title, ‘The Cruise of the Somers,’ a consideration of the recent case against Captain Alexander Slidell Mackenzie who had ordered the hanging of three crew members on the presumption of mutiny. In the pamphlet, Cooper placed under scrutiny a notorious incident at sea that had recently occurred. Three members of the crew were convicted by the ship’s captain of planning to seize the ship, and were hanged at sea. The case created a sensation in part because one of those hanged, Philip Spencer, was the son of the secretary of war. Examining all the evidence carefully Cooper concluded that Captain MacKenzie had acted improperly but he exempted from blame the ship’s second-in command, Lieutenant Guert Gansevoort.
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